Jiyu Banzai! A Japanese Timeline

Belgium can never catch a break.
Yeah, they truly have the poor luck of being stuck between two of Europe's great powers while also simultaneously not being strong enough to stop either. Even the Belgians recognize they're screwed, but, as a certain king once said, Belgium is a country, not a road. They won't lie down just so things will be easier for their oppressor.
Though seeing France go through a coup is probably a nice bit of schadenfreude for Belgium and Germany.
Although it takes a few days to get out, they 100% do. The March Crisis allows the Germans to safely demobilize as well due to France's chaotic state at the time. Belgium? Well, let's just say that schadenfreude isn't the same as protection. The French army is still mobilized along that front, and they still have to survive a bit longer to secure their independence.
 
That's surprisingly... candid for the time period (and even more so for famously traditional Japan)
To be fair, that interview is canonically one of the few times Emperor Yasuhito is even somewhat casual in public. He decided he’d let the mask slip that much exactly once, partially as a way to relax, and go back to being the proper Emperor he is.
 
La Révolution n'est pas Sûre

La Révolution n'est pas Sûre​


The Battle of Paris would rage throughout March 4, as Croix de Feu Escadrons attempted to break through loyalist lines before the army arrived. Successfully driving into the heart of the city, the final battle would occur at the Place de la Concorde at 17:00. The loyalists, outnumbered but determined to hold no matter what, faced an enemy that outnumbered them three to one. The fighting would rage for half an hour as Roland Beaumont himself fought alongside his supporters.
The relief for the loyalists would come from an unexpected place. Throughout the day, everyone had believed that the army would make or break the coup, as word of their imminent arrival invigorated early loyalist resistance. But rather than help, the military would become stuck in its own standoff between Escadron members and pro-Beaumont factions after the Escadrons seized the artillery. Bloodshed would only be avoided by a mutual agreement early in the day to take a neutral stance. With this agreement, Paris was left to its own devices to decide the future of France. Nobody in the city was aware of this, however, as both sides fought bitterly to either beat the clock or to stall just one minute more.
Instead the loyalists would be saved by the citizenry of Paris. While inhabitants had picked up weapons to fight alongside their preferred faction, the majority were far too confused about what was going on to make a decision. As the fighting turned from scattered clashes across the city to a concerted battle near the heart of the government and the uniforms of the Escadrons marched down the streets, the situation became clear and the people took up arms.
The first came in a group of several hundreds. Armed with hunting rifles and weapons scavenged from the fallen, they struck into the rear of the Escadrons, the Marseillaise on their lips. Soon, they were joined by tens of thousands of other citizens. Armed with cudgels, swords, old muskets, and hammers, they overwhelmed the Escadrons in a sudden wave of furor and scattered them to the winds. By 19:00, the fighting had died down, and the stunned loyalists greeted their saviors across a field of corpses.

Despite being victorious, the loyalists were in utter disarray. The capital was littered with the remnants of the fighting, clogging up the street and taking away key resources, while the loyalists had no idea who they could trust. Although the military swiftly arrested the mutineers after receiving word of the coup’s failure, its inaction weakened trust in them at a critical moment. Most disturbingly of all, Roland Beaumont, who had taken part in the fighting at the Place de la Concorde, was missing. Eye witnesses had last seen him standing in the open firing at Escadrons before he became lost in the chaos of battle.
Taking advantage of the chaos, the Croix de Feu’s leadership fled Paris for Rouen, where the Croix de Feu had established a secondary headquarters. From here they planned on rallying sympathetic army units and marching on Paris once again. Arriving with a scant 2,500 men, they set about preparing their grand return and put out a call for all patriots to rally to their banner.
It took the government several days to reorganize into something cohesive. A provisional government, formed under Guarde Republicaine leader Colonel Julien Dufieux, forged a united front to stabilize the situation and put down the Croix de Feu. The continuing war in Belgium also competed for government attention, with war exhaustion and a growing desire for the five-year long war to end in both the leadership and the country at large. The Provisional Government moved to solve both issues with overwhelming force.

As the government prepared their counterblow, the Croix de Feu learned just how limited their popularity was. Despite their attempts at creating a mass movement, the Croix de Feu was most popular among the party elite of l’Esprit du Nation and portions of the officer corps. Their influence came from the positions they held, not the popularity of their ideas. In the week after their arrival in Rouen, less than 500 men had rallied to their banner.
As the realization dawned on the Croix de Feu that their revolution had failed with the loss of the Battle of Paris, the leadership began to fragment. Recriminations between members dominated the sole attempt to determine a new direction. By March 8, the Croix de Feu had practically ceased to exist as the fallout from the failure tore the group apart. Some members, such as Charles Lanrezac, took their own lives while others fled the nation. A small cadre, gathered around the former Minister of Security and leader Thomas Giraud, elected to stay in the city and await their fate.
5,000 Guardsmen arrived in Rouen on March 10, expecting fierce resistance, only to find the denizens going about their days as if nothing was out of the ordinary. Advancing carefully, they reached the Croix de Feu’s headquarters convinced that the Escadrons would be waiting for them. Instead, all they found was Giraud standing out front alone and a handful of faces peering out through the windows. Moving swiftly, the Guardsmen arrested him and secured the building. The Croix de Feu was officially extinct.

The anticlimactic end of the Croix de Feu was a surprise for the Provisional Government, but a welcome one. Although a division of Guardsmen would remain in Paris to secure the government, the full might of France’s striking power could be deployed against Belgium. While 500,000 men covered the Rhine, guarding against potential German betrayal, 700,000 soldiers lined up against the Belgians as the Provisional Government gave them one final ultimatum. Unlike Beaumont, they were ill in the mood for leniency. While France had maintained a strong force along the German frontier until they had demobilized, Belgian forces had inflicted a slow rate of attrition using whatever they could. When the French ultimatum arrived on March 26, the only peace they were willing to accept was one of unconditional surrender.
While France had been distracted, the 650,000 strong Belgian Army had scrambled to replace the holes in their lines left by the Germans and further entrench their positions. The Germans, who had been in such a hurry to evacuate that they left behind the majority of their heavy equipment and vast quantities of munitions, had been kind enough to instruct their former comrades-in-arms on how to use those arms while they were in Belgium. As a result, the Belgians were far better equipped in 1921 than they had been in 1915. Although morale was shaky due to now standing on their own, the Belgian government still felt strong enough to reject the French demands.
French efforts to break Belgium were aimed at separating the Belgians in and around Ypres from the remainder of their forces, trapping them against the Channel and annihilating them as France advanced first to Ghent and then to Antwerp. To accomplish this, the French chose to attack near the city of Courtrai, to the northeast of their intended quarry. France concentrated a third of their forces, 300,000 men, in the region and unleashed a withering barrage on April 8 for several hours before assault squads advanced.
Utilizing the largest combined arms offensive of the war, the French deployed the military theories they had drawn up but not had a chance to test after reaching their natural borders. French spotters, wielding cutting edge radios, called coherers by the French, called in artillery fire on Belgian positions while their cousins in the fighter and bomber corps targeted Belgian formations behind the lines. The Legion Mecanique advanced with infantry support, punching holes in enemy lines that infantry exploited. Although the Belgians put up stiff resistance, the weight of French arms swept their nascent air force aside and cracked their lines after a week of fierce fighting.
Courtrai’s fall began a cascade of events that saw the Belgian lines collapse over the April and May. 40,000 men, trapped in the Ypres Pocket, would capitulate on April 28 while the Battle of Ghent between April 24 and May 10 would see the Belgians lose 100,000 men as casualties and prisoners. Despite Belgian attempts to reestablish their lines, superior French firepower and numbers repeatedly thwarted their attempts.
The Belgian Army’s last stand occurred in the Second Battle of Waterloo, between May 21 and 24. 150,000 Belgians, the last cohesive military force in the country, erected hasty defensive lines anchored on the escarpment at Mont-Saint-Jean to halt the French drive from the south. French forces, having advanced swiftly through Belgian screens at Quatre Bras and Genappe, smashed into Belgian defensive lines mid-day on the 21, facing a bloody defeat as the unsupported infantry came under fire from artillery. Initially withdrawing, the French would return during the night with probing attacks while the Legion Mecanique was tasked with breaking through the Belgians screening the northern flank along the Dender River.
The 22 would see fierce artillery duels as the French artillery arrived and the Belgians burned through any remaining stores without concerns of sustainability. As the day wore on, Belgian batteries would steadily fall silent as French artillery bombarded and aircraft strafed their positions. Despite the extremely harrowing conditions, with some batteries taking over 500% casualties as their crews were decimated by strafing runs, Belgian gun crews maintained a steady rate of fire as their crews fought to the bitter end.
The 23 and 24 would see French forces pry their way through Belgian lines, with Halle falling midday on the 23 and allowing French forces to begin enveloping the positions at Waterloo. Waterloo would fall early on the 24 as the Belgians began withdrawing into Brussels proper, joining their citizens in constructing barricades along the city streets and digging trenches.
Brussels would only be saved from a siege by the arrival of the Legion Mecanique in Asse to the north. The Belgian government, not expecting the French to break through so soon, knew they did not have enough men to defend the north as well. After a brief discussion with their high command on the night of the 24, the Belgians officially asked for a ceasefire. A brief one, lasting for 24 hours, was called for in the region as France reiterated its demand for unconditional surrender. Another round of discussions between the government and military, now receiving reports that the holdouts in Antwerp were beginning to suffer from a cholera epidemic and the attempt to rally at Hasselt had barely mustered 20,000 men, ended in a solemn decision. As the commander of the French forces in the area, General Jean Degoutte, steeled himself for the need to return to the offensive the following morning before he went to bed, the Belgian message arrived.
After nearly a year of fighting on by itself, Belgium would unconditionally surrender.
 
Very nice. Shades of the end of the Paris Commune here, though with a more positive outcome for the besieged defenders. But a lot of casualties have piled up from these wars, so how's the French fertility rate doing? In our world it's been on a steady decline since 1800, minus the 20 years after WW2. Empires need manpower, after all.

Also, I don't suppose we can get a map showing the status quo post bellum for all these various wars? It would really help with envisioning how things have changed.
 
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Very nice. Shades of the end of the Paris Commune here, though with a more positive outcome for the besieged defenders. But a lot of casualties have piled up from these wars, so how's the French fertility rate doing? In our world it's been on a steady decline since 1800, minus the 20 years after WW2. Empires need manpower, after all.
Especially since I imagine people have migrated, further driving it down.
 
Very nice. Shades of the end of the Paris Commune here, though with a more positive outcome for the besieged defenders. But a lot of casualties have piled up from these wars, so how's the French fertility rate doing? In our world it's been on a steady decline since 1800, minus the 20 years after WW2. Empires need manpower, after all.
France's fertility rate was actually touched upon in an earlier update and it's doing better than OTL. That's not a high bar, mind you, and it's still behind their neighbors, but Beaumont was able to drag it up by a mixture of incentives and propaganda. Any demographic hole is going to be a lot smaller due to said growth and France "only" having ~650,000 KIA due to a shorter active phase of the front with Germany and Belgium compared to OTL.
Also, I don't suppose we can get a map showing the status quo post bellum for all these various wars? It would really help with envisioning how things have changed.
Don't have a lot of experience with maps (which is why I haven't posted any), but I'll see what I can do.
Especially since I imagine people have migrated, further driving it down.
That's been a mixed bag. France has had emigration due to ideological reasons while also receiving immigrants due to being the Bastion of Socialism tm. On the whole, they've maintained a positive ratio as they've become a popular deportation target for unwanted radicals at home and repressed minorities. Under Beaumont, most these immigrants were allowed in, but the extent they were accepted depended on how much they assimilated, their religion, and if and where they came from in Europe. In example, Poles typically had it easy due to being fellow Catholics with no love for Russia, Circassians had it rougher due to being primarily Muslim but still being loyal to France as their haven, and native Algerians or people from French West Africa had it roughest due to being Muslim and having mixed feelings toward France (to put it lightly) due to the empire still being a thing in various forms.
 
Especially since I imagine people have migrated, further driving it down.
Yeah but as the OP stated, there would have been replacements coming from other parts of Europe at the very least, since in our world modern France is actually built on immigration almost as much as the US and I don't see why it would be that different in this timeline. Immigration in France hasn't really been a big issue since until recently, those migrants were white Christians and thus were able to assimilate very easily into French culture. But 300 years of scientific racism and 200 years of colonial prejudice against Arabs has made modern France kind of culturally rather crap at integrating the current crop of immigrants.
 
Maps for Africa, Andes, and Balkans 1922
Here are maps for areas of the world where border changes are a bit fuzzy:

Africa1922.png

With one of the great colonizers suddenly shifting focus due to revolution and the natives proving far tougher than expected, European efforts at colonizing Africa have failed to penetrate the interior. While they still dominate the coasts, strong kingdoms in the hinterlands are adapting to the times and keeping their people free of European imperialism.

Northern_Andes_1922.png

The outbreak of the French-backed Cacha Revolt in 1872 saw Ecuador torn asunder. Unable to reassert itself over the rebellious regions, the government was severely weakened. In the Amazonian Rain Forest, longstanding territorial disputes with Peru were solved at bayonet-point as Peruvian soldiers marched in and defeated any local attempts at resisting them.

Balkans__1922.png

Despite the victory of the Balkan League over the Ottomans, the borders of the peninsula have been left a mess with which no nation is satisfied. Unless a truly legendary diplomat arrives to hammer out a compromise, the region is almost certain to turn to war once again for a solution.
 
Thanks, much appreciated! Africa looks more like what it should be instead of the too-straight border lines from our world's colonial impositions.
 
The Land of Morning Pride

The Land of Morning Pride​


Korean nationalism was by no means a new phenomenon. Centuries ago, the Korean people had unified against the Japanese, determined to defend their independence from the foreign invader. In the aftermath of the fall of the Ming and the rise of the Qing, Korea was an outpost of Chinese culture, distinct from the barbarians who now ruled China proper. At once a distinct entity and part of China, Korea’s identity always viewed itself through the lens of Sinocentrism.
This had begun to change with the Silhak ideology. Originating from the 1500s, Silhak promoted a practical view of the world and a more Korean-centric historiography, a break from the ruling Neo-Confucian ideals of the Joseon Dynasty of the time. This trend would continue to grow over the next centuries, with a Korean identity no longer defined by its relation to China becoming more prominent. The period of Tongdo Sogi, the adoption of Western technologies and systems while maintaining Eastern ethics, in the 1800s under first King Munjo then King Heonjong was the culmination of this period, as Korean national identity and pride crystalized into an entity distinct from all others. The establishment of the Korean Empire in 1894 officially marked the end of Korean subordination to China and the beginning of an era of Korean supremacy.
From this point, Korean politics maintained a steady undercurrent of growing ultranationalism. This faction, known as the Minjok, believed in the superiority of the unique Korean race and the necessity of maintaining purity of the Korean race. With supporters throughout Korean society, the Minjok lacked political parties but still retained significant influence in the conservative Korean Diet, pushing a policy of putting the military first and an aggressive foreign policy to expand Korean influence.
Despite the existence of this ultranationalism, Korea managed to maintain a relatively free society. The rights of the Korean people, secured under the 1893 Constitution, continued to be respected while the Korean military remained steadily loyal to the civilian government, even mere whispers of a coup or insubordination unthinkable for the vast majority of its membership. Built upon decades of successful policies, the government had the absolute faith of the people and the military to lead a prosperous Korea.
And for those who didn’t, the National Police Agency, Korea’s internal security office, made sure that the legacy of the Officer’s Revolt lived on.

In 1920, the Korean mainstream was dominated by the Minsaeng Party, a conservative party whose platform included a strong military, a proactive foreign policy, and the empowerment of the Korean people and social mobility. The majority of their support base coming from rural areas, Minsaeng’s control of the Diet was challenged by the Bareunmirae Party. Bareunmirae drew support primarily from the working classes and advocated for an economic system more in line with the Japanese model than the highly-regulated capitalism Korea currently had.
The most important issue in 1920s Korea was foreign policy. Koreans demanded a strong foreign policy to flex Korea’s muscles, a demand that Minsaeng was able to capitalize on in the aftermath of the Chinese Civil War. The success of the anti-piracy patrol and the occupation of Taiwan allowed them to strengthen their rule during the 1921 midterms between the 1918 and 1924 elections. Korean mediation during a fishing rights dispute between the Philippines and the Dutch East Indies would help to further stabilize Minsaeng, driving their opposition into a corner.
In response, the right wing of the Bareunmirae began to flirt with the everpresent specter of ultranationalism. Denouncing the Minsaeng as being too willing to leave Taiwan without extracting concessions, they pushed for a much more aggressive foreign policy. Compared to the more cautious establishment that wished to avoid a war of the scale necessary to take it, this new group pushed for the annexation of the Gando region. Home to tens of thousands of ethnic Koreans, the region had been the site of a dormant territorial dispute based on claims that the Korean party to the demarcation of the Korean-Qing border in 1712 had not done a proper job at surveying the border.
Previous Korean governments had avoided pushing the issue, even when they had the upper hand in the aftermath of the Manchuria War, due to the poorly-developed nature of the region and fears of Chinese revanchism when it resurged. Instead, the government had extracted protections for the Koreans living there and for the allowance of continued settlement. While very few Koreans had moved due to the growing Korean economy, the region served as a useful dumping ground for those who had proven too obstinate for the government’s liking. The agreement had held firm even after the start of the Chinese Civil War, with the Zhili Clique not wanting to risk a direct Korean intervention during the war and wanting to play Korea against Russia after it.
This status quo was not enough for the ultranationalists, who viewed Gando as a place where the Korean people could expand and serve as a potential springboard for the revival of the ancient proto-Korean state of Gogoryeo. Alongside this claim, they also sought to undo the 1872 Tsushima Conference and annex the Liancourt Rocks and Tsushima, as well as expanding Korean influence into Indonesia and Indochina. In 1925, these Ilminists split off from other political parties to form a new party: the Gungminmiraedang, or Korean Future Party.

The establishment of the GMD disturbed both the Korean establishment and their Japanese allies. Although the party was currently a minor one, only holding 10% of the seats in the Diet post-defections, the threat it posed to Korea’s foreign relationships saw the government privately reassure its allies and partners that no, Korea was not going to betray them soon. The GMD would be contained domestically and kept from the halls of power. The Japanese in particular were concerned about recent developments due to the Imperial Family and numerous Japanese citizens spending significant amounts of time in Korea.
Still, the GMD espousing stupid ideas was not illegal. Unless they took a step too far out of line, the Korean establishment could not simply drop the National Protection Agency on them simply because they disagreed with them politically. So far, the GMD stayed in those lines, espousing a more authoritarian government and aggressive foreign policy through legal means rather than a coup. The ongoing chaos in France and Germany were enough to dissuade them that seizing power by force was a good idea, even if they had the ability to do so. For the time being, the government would have to tolerate the presence of the ultranationalists in their midst.


Ever since the establishment of the Korean Empire, there was a cultural turn away from tradition, viewed as too connected to backwards China, to modernism. While few Koreans would admit to it, this resulted in the hypermodern Social Republic of Vietnam becoming the premier source of trends in Korea. When Saigon began constructing its first mass transit network in 1908, Hanseong would break ground on their own in 1909. When Vietnam began constructing a national expressway in 1915, Korea would begin their own in 1917. When Vietnam began producing its first television sets in 1921, Korea would import tens of thousands before developing a domestic model in 1924 through partnership with a Vietnamese coop.
Nowhere was this Vietnophilia more evident than in the Korean movie and comics markets. After the Vietnamese film Ba Trieu was shown at a government-sponsored screening in Busan in 1915, a craze for Vietnamese movies would descend on the country. Where Japanese would go to their local sport venues on their days off, Koreans would use the growing transit system to travel into town to go to the movie theater, or in more well-to-do families gather around their television. Vietnamese films, dubbed into Korean with very primitive technology, attracted Koreans who had begun to feel a certain kinship with those they now saw as fellow victims of Chinese imperialism.
Even in print, Vietnamese influence would seep in. Korean newspapers, which had for most of their existence been rather dry pieces concentrating on news, began introducing truyen tranh, Vietnamese comics, in a dedicated section much like their Western counterparts. Not to be outdone, local talent would begin submitting their own works in hopes of being ran. The first domestic comic strip, “Kim, Kim, and Kim”, ran in the Hanseong Global Times, and centered around three unrelated characters, all with the family name Kim, dealing with the day to day life in Korea. Much like its Vietnamese inspirations, “Kim, Kim, and Kim” was often used to subtly criticize government policies while still remaining entertaining for as wide an audience as possible. Domestic copycats would soon spring up across the nation, with one, “Chang, Cheong, and Chong”, becoming famous enough to be printed in Vietnam, as well as sparking Korea’s first copyright case in 1931.
While Korea had initially been content with following Vietnam’s example, nationalist sentiment could not allow that to continue unabated. Although smaller films had been created in Korea almost immediately after the arrival of the camera, Korea’s first major film would be released in 1922. Journey to Mount Paektu would be a Korean-Vietnamese co-production that followed the travels of several Koreans, captured after Jurchen raids and sold to China, making their way back to their ancestral homeland, with Mount Paektu being both a figurative and literal representation of Korea. Although some criticized the movie as historically inaccurate, with the most glaring falsehood being a reference to the Imjin War and the rise of the Qing Dynasty as concurrent events, it was a smash hit among movie-going audiences that would remain a classic for decades to come. Numerous other movies would follow with various degrees of success, none quite managing to live up to the standards set by Journey to Mount Paektu.
 
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Which religion is dominant in korea right now? Also what is Korean stance towards Christian missionaries?
Most Koreans practice a synergistic version of Buddhism and Musok, with the government slowly tampering down on Confucianist-driven suppression after the Officer’s Revolt, officially ending it with the Korean Empire’s establishment, and embracing Musok as the national religion (a term even they use loosely due to its disparate practices) in 1905. There exists a Christian community, with approximately 5% of the population being Christian (mainly in and around Hanseong and Busan due to the legacy of French investment and American and Dutch schools), that’s tolerated by the government as they still want to be friends with France, and attacking Christians wouldn’t be particularly helpful on that front. Atheism is practically non-existent, as Koreans don’t really ken that as part of modernism. They just kinda ignore when Vietnamese media badmouths religion, just like they do when it gets a bit too radically republican.
 
Ha, the Koreans are the Japanese of their world. Ironies continue to accumulate.
Well, at least its establishment is too sane to pursue Liancourt Rocks and Tsushima — at least for now.

Antagonising and subverting China is not off the table, however.

One more irony here is pro-syndicalist policies being coopted by ultranationalist movements like the ones seen in France and Korea, motivated more by populism as opposed to corporate meddling in yellow media.
 
That's the vibe I got.
What, uh, happens if they do go after the Llancourt Rocks?
depends whether both sides will escalate from there; it's not as if they'll invade each other's actual territories, however

Well, there's also Tsushima at hand.

Either way — have Korea lose this one — it's likely to be akin to the Argentinian Junta's adventure in the Falklands.
 
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Remind me again, what's happening in South America by this point ITTL?
While I have given the region some thought, I haven’t plotted out anything in depth. I’ll give what broad strokes I have, though.

In 1930 Ecuador, whose Liberal/Conservative elite democracy was first rocked by the interior becoming de facto independent under Cacha, then by an anarchist movement inspired by the Cacha, then was completely overthrown in a military coup due to failing to deal with the Cacha and growing leftist threat, is trying to straddle the line between military buildup to invade Cacha and not driving themselves bankrupt in the process.

Brazil’s civil war ended with a Republican victory, followed swiftly by another military coup that established a dictatorship. In 1930, Brazil’s government is dealing with growing domestic unrest, but it’s nowhere near enough to spark a second civil war. The border with Paraguay is a bit tense, and occasionally troops exchange gunfire (although nobody has been killed or hurt yet) due to Paraguay being pro-France and harboring dissidents.

Central America is headed for some major turmoil as its nations have finished recovering from Guatemala’s rampage through the region under Justo Barrios. Despite the devastation the nations experienced due Barrios’ War of Reunification, including their social structure being almost completely overturned, the ideal of a unified Central America still lives on.
 
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