I'll make a smaller entry before the next big one explaining it. But in summary: it indeed is butterflied away.
Triple Assassination at Saqifah - An Islam alternate timeline
- Thread starter adrizuz
- Start date
Interlude - The Fate of An Lushan.
Interlude
The Fate of An Lushan
An Lushan was a man of mixed Sogdian and Turkic descent that lived during the golden years of the Tang Dynasty. He served as an interpreter in one of the military markets, as he knew as much as 6 foreign languages ever since he was very young. His childhood friend, Shi Sugan, always followed and served him. His life, though, drastically changed when it was discovered that he had stolen sheep in 732. The governor of You prefecture immediately ordered his execution. An Lushan and his friend tried to talk their way out of it, but the governor insisted on the execution. Ultimately, and despite the recommendation of his subordinates, An Lushan was executed as established, and so was his friend.
One of the officials under the governor later expressed some disdain for the wasting of such a massive and bulky man, who could have been useful for the army.
Zhang Shougui
Zhang Shougui is the man who, in our timeline, served as the governor of You prefecture at the time. When An Lushan pleaded for his life, Zhang actually allowed him to join and serve the army, pardoning his execution. Despite an initially very bad impression about the Sogdian, Zhang eventually grew very close to him and treated him as his own son. An Lushan rose through the ranks quite quickly, until one day, while serving Zhang in the army, he disobeyed orders and was defeated. As per the law of the Tang at the time, this was also a crime punished with execution. However, Zhang decided to instead send An Lushan to the capital, Chang'an, so he could earn the favor of the emperor and escape execution once more. And as the incredibly lucky historical character he was, the emperor indeed pardoned An Lushan. From then on, An Lushan's career would be a constant rise.
But then, where is Zhang in this timeline?
Zhang served in one of the armies the Tang dispatched to aid Narsieh in its attempt to regain the throne. He was one of the last few to be sent to aid the Sassanid pretender. Given the constant defeats at the hands of the Caliphate, thousands of men died in battle, and that included Zhang Shougui.
This comes as a consequence of bigger aid to the Sassanids given by the Tang, in part gained by the fact that Peroz, son of Yazdegerd III, spent his time until his death at the imperial capital of Chang'an, trying to get a major army capable of reconquering all of Anxi (Iran). In our timeline, Peroz instead was content with minor support from Tang that established the Persian Commandery, but ultimately achieved nothing. Narsieh, which major military support from the Tang, marched through Central Asia and led what became a disastrous campaign in which thousands lost their lives. (At the same time, the change in Peroz's acting ITTL is not out of nowhere, as it comes from the fact that Yazdegerd's armies were defeated more drastically by the Islamic armies, which reinforced a more intimidating picture in the Sassanids that escaped to China).
The Fate of An Lushan
An Lushan was a man of mixed Sogdian and Turkic descent that lived during the golden years of the Tang Dynasty. He served as an interpreter in one of the military markets, as he knew as much as 6 foreign languages ever since he was very young. His childhood friend, Shi Sugan, always followed and served him. His life, though, drastically changed when it was discovered that he had stolen sheep in 732. The governor of You prefecture immediately ordered his execution. An Lushan and his friend tried to talk their way out of it, but the governor insisted on the execution. Ultimately, and despite the recommendation of his subordinates, An Lushan was executed as established, and so was his friend.
One of the officials under the governor later expressed some disdain for the wasting of such a massive and bulky man, who could have been useful for the army.
Zhang Shougui
Zhang Shougui is the man who, in our timeline, served as the governor of You prefecture at the time. When An Lushan pleaded for his life, Zhang actually allowed him to join and serve the army, pardoning his execution. Despite an initially very bad impression about the Sogdian, Zhang eventually grew very close to him and treated him as his own son. An Lushan rose through the ranks quite quickly, until one day, while serving Zhang in the army, he disobeyed orders and was defeated. As per the law of the Tang at the time, this was also a crime punished with execution. However, Zhang decided to instead send An Lushan to the capital, Chang'an, so he could earn the favor of the emperor and escape execution once more. And as the incredibly lucky historical character he was, the emperor indeed pardoned An Lushan. From then on, An Lushan's career would be a constant rise.
But then, where is Zhang in this timeline?
Zhang served in one of the armies the Tang dispatched to aid Narsieh in its attempt to regain the throne. He was one of the last few to be sent to aid the Sassanid pretender. Given the constant defeats at the hands of the Caliphate, thousands of men died in battle, and that included Zhang Shougui.
This comes as a consequence of bigger aid to the Sassanids given by the Tang, in part gained by the fact that Peroz, son of Yazdegerd III, spent his time until his death at the imperial capital of Chang'an, trying to get a major army capable of reconquering all of Anxi (Iran). In our timeline, Peroz instead was content with minor support from Tang that established the Persian Commandery, but ultimately achieved nothing. Narsieh, which major military support from the Tang, marched through Central Asia and led what became a disastrous campaign in which thousands lost their lives. (At the same time, the change in Peroz's acting ITTL is not out of nowhere, as it comes from the fact that Yazdegerd's armies were defeated more drastically by the Islamic armies, which reinforced a more intimidating picture in the Sassanids that escaped to China).
TLDR of the explanation of the butterfly: Yazdegerd III is defeated more drastically than in OTL, forcing him to escape directly to China instead of progressively moving further north and east --> Peroz has a more intimidating image from the Caliphate, so he spends most of his life lobbying for support at Chang'an and earning the emperor's favor --> when Narsieh seizes the chance, he has a considerably bigger army and the chinese generals actually intend to help his cause --> Narsieh's attempt fails, thousands die. Among them, Zhang Shougui --> When An Lushan is caught in 732, there is another governor of You prefecture, who decides to proceed with his execution.
Firdaus_Rifa
Banned
I just read some Hadith that said Umar ra is the door that holding back the Fitnah. And when Umar ask whether the Door would open itself (natural death) or be destructed ( assassination) the answer is it will be destructed. Just some fun fact. I guess the Fitnah would be earlier right?
Depends on your point of view. You can sort of see my own take through how the events developed in this timeline. I do agree the Fitna was going to happen sooner or later when Muhammad died with no male children alive (even his adopted son died!).
Ja'far ibn Muhammad as-Sadiq
Seventh Rashidun Caliph: Ja’far ibn Muhammad as-Sadiq
Notes:
Additionally, the next update will be kind of like the Fitna, but about the Central Asian War. I prefer that than continuing it as part of Ja'far's own entries. I hope to be updating soon, but by next weekend it should probably be up!
Ja’far ibn Muhammad was, most likely, the most brilliant man of his era. He was taught from a very young age by his father, Al-Baqir, who already was a prominent scholar. However, he was also taught by many more of his father’s students and other scholars. Even as a teenager, he began to teach others about many different topics. His rich education and intellectual brilliance led to great knowledge and contributions in several fields, which ranged from theology to the natural sciences.
He quickly became one of the most prominent figures of Islamic scholarship and went to several different madrasas all across the Caliphate. Even through the controversial reign of his father, he remained a respected figure among the scholarly circles and a beloved one among the Ummah.
After his father’s death and Mus’ab’s forced election into the Caliphate, he famously went into hiding at Qunstantiniyya alongside much of his close family. However, even then, he continued to teach and due to the sheer number of people that attended his lectures, newer and bigger madrasas had to be built in the city by Al-Mundhir, the governor at the time.
With the revolution, he was finally elected as Caliph in 124 AH (742 AD), and managed to put an end to the devastating Fitna that took over the Islamic World. However, by the end of the conflict, the Caliphate had been split in half, with the Kharijites taking over the western side of the formerly united Muslim empire.
The following years were very tense near the border between Ifriqiya and the Maghreb, with skirmishes continuing even after the agreed date of the end of the conflict. After Maysara al-Matghari’s death, Salim al-Azdi and Khalid al-Zanati made some minor offensives against the Caliphate in the east. However, it was the third Khawarij Caliph, Khalid, that eventually abandoned the offensives against the east definitively in 132 AH (750 AD). Instead, the man focused his armies north, to deal with internal conflicts and to launch an invasion of the Frankish kingdoms.
With the pressure of the Khawarij and the Fitna relieved, Ja’far returned to focus on internal affairs.
Administration under Ja’far
The first and most noticeable of his measures was that of imposing green clothing onto his court. After the revolution, green clothes became more tied to the line of direct descendants of the Prophet through the line of Ali and Fatima than ever before, and Ja’far made sure to reinforce that notion. During his rule and the ones of his successors, it became tradition for those in his court to wear green in some way. [1][2]
As-Sadiq also established the tradition of Sayyids wearing green turbans as a sign of high status, prestige and piety [3]. All those who claimed descent from the Prophet had their lineages verified, and then were allowed to wear the prestigious green turban. The Caliphs themselves adopted said green turban, though usually it was differentiated from the regular ones and with additional ornaments.
Another great measure taken by the Caliph was that of formalizing the madrasas. Prior to him, they were smaller rooms or buildings within the Mosques or near them; while renowned scholars like Al-Baqir and As-Sadiq himself taught in open public places due to how many people attended their lectures. However, he introduced a system of state madrasas, which began with the construction of two major buildings dedicated solely to teaching of all topics. One was the madrasa of Suffa, in Medina next to the Mosque of the Prophet, which was considered more of an expansion of an old madrasa where Muhammad once taught. The other one was the madrasa of Ja’far, in the capital, Kufa. Both buildings were as big as the mosques of the time, and had just as much detail as said buildings.
Ja’far would go on to build more madrasas in Al-Mada’in, Karbala, Mecca, Qunstantiniyya, Isfahan, Fustat, Al-Habash and other prominent cities. However, it’s disputed how much of this projects were genuinely his or from his successors; and many of them were not finished until later on during the rule of his successors. It’s undeniable, however, that Ja’far actively pushed for the development of the sciences and philosophy and bolstered a golden age of such disciplines in the Islamic World. His initiative with scholarship would later lead the Khawarij Caliphs to do the same in cities like Tangier and Cordoba. In these madrasas, everyone but Khawarij were allowed to give lectures (while on the western caliphate only Khawarij were allowed to teach), and this would add to the rising popularity of Sufism, as well as allow other schools of thought to thrive and clash in scholarly debates on diverse topics.
As-Sadiq also introduced an early concept of maktab, elementary schools. During his rule, the idea began as a form of charity for orphans, to whom the maktabs were dedicated initially. Later, under his successors, the maktab would continue to develop until it became more universal. This would increase literacy rates to unprecedented levels, and lead to major developments in the basic sciences, philosophy, theology and jurisprudence.
As for the matter of Fiqh, Ja’far developed on the doctrines, laws and writings left by all of his predecessors, especially his father, and formed what would become the Ja’fari school of jurisprudence. As a part of this, he would elevate the ‘Imams’ (prominent religious guides among the Ummah, normally descended from the Prophet), adding some legal power to them as possible judges. Said school would become the most prominent in the Islamic world, and would continue to have developments even after Ja’far himself, though always basing it on what he established during his rule.
Finally and most famously, Ja’far freed all Muslim slaves, and forbade the enslavement of fellow Muslims. Those slaves who converted to Islam were also to be freed as per Islamic Law. The Qu’ran implies Muhammad’s desire for such a measure, while Zayn al-Abidin’s Risalat al-Hoquq and some of the writings made by his father indicate their support to such a thing. During his rule, the Risalat al-Hoquq became massively important, and was considered officially as part of Islamic Law. Ja’far also added commentary to the text and, alongside some other scholars, completed some of its points. As a part of this, non-Arab Muslims finally consolidated themselves as fully equal to Arab Muslims, despite the fact that even before Ja’far they were recognized to be so.
Contribution to the sciences [4]
He quickly became one of the most prominent figures of Islamic scholarship and went to several different madrasas all across the Caliphate. Even through the controversial reign of his father, he remained a respected figure among the scholarly circles and a beloved one among the Ummah.
After his father’s death and Mus’ab’s forced election into the Caliphate, he famously went into hiding at Qunstantiniyya alongside much of his close family. However, even then, he continued to teach and due to the sheer number of people that attended his lectures, newer and bigger madrasas had to be built in the city by Al-Mundhir, the governor at the time.
With the revolution, he was finally elected as Caliph in 124 AH (742 AD), and managed to put an end to the devastating Fitna that took over the Islamic World. However, by the end of the conflict, the Caliphate had been split in half, with the Kharijites taking over the western side of the formerly united Muslim empire.
The following years were very tense near the border between Ifriqiya and the Maghreb, with skirmishes continuing even after the agreed date of the end of the conflict. After Maysara al-Matghari’s death, Salim al-Azdi and Khalid al-Zanati made some minor offensives against the Caliphate in the east. However, it was the third Khawarij Caliph, Khalid, that eventually abandoned the offensives against the east definitively in 132 AH (750 AD). Instead, the man focused his armies north, to deal with internal conflicts and to launch an invasion of the Frankish kingdoms.
With the pressure of the Khawarij and the Fitna relieved, Ja’far returned to focus on internal affairs.
Administration under Ja’far
The first and most noticeable of his measures was that of imposing green clothing onto his court. After the revolution, green clothes became more tied to the line of direct descendants of the Prophet through the line of Ali and Fatima than ever before, and Ja’far made sure to reinforce that notion. During his rule and the ones of his successors, it became tradition for those in his court to wear green in some way. [1][2]
As-Sadiq also established the tradition of Sayyids wearing green turbans as a sign of high status, prestige and piety [3]. All those who claimed descent from the Prophet had their lineages verified, and then were allowed to wear the prestigious green turban. The Caliphs themselves adopted said green turban, though usually it was differentiated from the regular ones and with additional ornaments.
Another great measure taken by the Caliph was that of formalizing the madrasas. Prior to him, they were smaller rooms or buildings within the Mosques or near them; while renowned scholars like Al-Baqir and As-Sadiq himself taught in open public places due to how many people attended their lectures. However, he introduced a system of state madrasas, which began with the construction of two major buildings dedicated solely to teaching of all topics. One was the madrasa of Suffa, in Medina next to the Mosque of the Prophet, which was considered more of an expansion of an old madrasa where Muhammad once taught. The other one was the madrasa of Ja’far, in the capital, Kufa. Both buildings were as big as the mosques of the time, and had just as much detail as said buildings.
Ja’far would go on to build more madrasas in Al-Mada’in, Karbala, Mecca, Qunstantiniyya, Isfahan, Fustat, Al-Habash and other prominent cities. However, it’s disputed how much of this projects were genuinely his or from his successors; and many of them were not finished until later on during the rule of his successors. It’s undeniable, however, that Ja’far actively pushed for the development of the sciences and philosophy and bolstered a golden age of such disciplines in the Islamic World. His initiative with scholarship would later lead the Khawarij Caliphs to do the same in cities like Tangier and Cordoba. In these madrasas, everyone but Khawarij were allowed to give lectures (while on the western caliphate only Khawarij were allowed to teach), and this would add to the rising popularity of Sufism, as well as allow other schools of thought to thrive and clash in scholarly debates on diverse topics.
As-Sadiq also introduced an early concept of maktab, elementary schools. During his rule, the idea began as a form of charity for orphans, to whom the maktabs were dedicated initially. Later, under his successors, the maktab would continue to develop until it became more universal. This would increase literacy rates to unprecedented levels, and lead to major developments in the basic sciences, philosophy, theology and jurisprudence.
As for the matter of Fiqh, Ja’far developed on the doctrines, laws and writings left by all of his predecessors, especially his father, and formed what would become the Ja’fari school of jurisprudence. As a part of this, he would elevate the ‘Imams’ (prominent religious guides among the Ummah, normally descended from the Prophet), adding some legal power to them as possible judges. Said school would become the most prominent in the Islamic world, and would continue to have developments even after Ja’far himself, though always basing it on what he established during his rule.
Finally and most famously, Ja’far freed all Muslim slaves, and forbade the enslavement of fellow Muslims. Those slaves who converted to Islam were also to be freed as per Islamic Law. The Qu’ran implies Muhammad’s desire for such a measure, while Zayn al-Abidin’s Risalat al-Hoquq and some of the writings made by his father indicate their support to such a thing. During his rule, the Risalat al-Hoquq became massively important, and was considered officially as part of Islamic Law. Ja’far also added commentary to the text and, alongside some other scholars, completed some of its points. As a part of this, non-Arab Muslims finally consolidated themselves as fully equal to Arab Muslims, despite the fact that even before Ja’far they were recognized to be so.
Contribution to the sciences [4]
Apart from formalizing universities in the form of state madrasas, he also had a series of contributions to the sciences as a scholar himself.
Through the teachings of his father, who realized that water contained hydrogen (by claiming that water can be turned into fire), he came to learn many things that contributed greatly to the development of chemistry. For instance, he is the first known person to understand that air was made of oxygen and was not in fact an element. Through this, he disputed Aristotle’s theory of the Four Elements, which was quite prominent due to the recent fascination with some of the old knowledge of the Romans and Persians. He proved that earth, fire, water and air were in fact not elements, and that they were indeed formed by other substances which he did call elements. This set a precedence for the abandonment of Aristotle’s theory and a more correct path in the development of early chemistry.
Ja’far developed a theory on the origin of the universe, claiming that all matter in the universe had come from a single particle with two opposite poles. This would remain in the air until much later, when scholars began to make observations that tied back to the old theory of the Caliph. However, he would continue to heavily link his own theory to Islam and Allah, despite the impressive accuracy of his suppositions.
He also disputed the Ptolemaic model by remarking that the two proposed movements of the sun were incompatible with each other. This led him and some of his students to the conclusion that the earth rotated around the sun and not the other way around. As for physics, he discussed and explained opacity and transparency in certain objects, attributing properties to each one.
Another theory of his was that of light. He said that light reflected by different objects comes to one’s eyes, but only a part of those rays enter the eye; explaining why the human eye can’t properly see objects that are far away. He explained that if someone were to make a device through which all the light coming from the camels grazing at 3000 zirah (~3048 meters), then one would see them as if they were only at 60 zirah (~60,9 meters). This theory spread quite quickly and would lead to the invention of said devices a few generations later.
He produced a lot more knowledge, and left the Islamic World with even more contributions through his students in many different disciplines. As a polymath and genius of his time, his contributions to Islamic Scholarship are of incalculable value.
Foreign Affairs
Shortly after the Fitna, the Shura and renowned generals and commanders of the Rashidun army proposed a series of campaigns to the west. Some were to reconquer territories from the Khawarij, while others intended to conquer the Roman remnants in Italy, who continued to have skirmishes against the Caliphal armies around Sicily and the south of the italian peninsula. However, many of them were not agreed upon and eventually forgotten.
After a Roman raid on the city of Syracuse in 753, which was taken as a direct provocation by the new emperor Constantine VII, it seemed as if a major war would break out. However, the Caliphate was forced to shift its attention to the east as a series of raids and sackings around the region of Transoxiana by the Tang army represented a bigger threat. Still, a garrison was left in charge of Ibrahim ibn Abd-Allah in Sicily, in case the Romans were to launch a major invasion.
The Caliphate and the Tang had already gone through some tensions, be it skirmishes or occasional raids. However, as Abu Ja’far Abd Allah ibn Muhammad was appointed as governor of Khorasan upon As-Sadiq’s election, there was an escalation in said tensions. Abu Ja’far began to provoke the Tang by forming direct alliance marriages with different turkic chieftains of the regions around and further than Transoxiana. This wasn’t perceived positively by the Tang, who relied quite heavily on their turkic subjects to hold control over their Central Asian territories, and especially the protectorate of Anxi.
The governor of Khorasan then planned a joint invasion of the Turgesh, whose Khan at the time, Ata Boyla, was closely allied to the Tang through marriage with a princess. These plans arrived at Kufa through rumors, and actions were taken.
The Caliph tried to de-escalate the conflict by removing Abu Ja’far from the
position of governor and shaming him for planning an invasion behind the Shura and Caliph’s backs. Abd Allah al-Mahd, a prominent narrator of the Qu’ran and member of the Shura, was appointed as governor instead. However, the Tang did not cease, and eventually raided several cities within the official territories of the Caliphate.
By Ramadan of 136 AH (754 AD), it became clear that there was no going back, and the decision was made to declare Jihad against the Tang in order to defend Islam and the Muslims.
The Central Asian War
Abu Muslim, now a renowned general known all throughout the Islamic World, was stationed in Khorasan with 40k men. Already in the province, Abd Allah had put his two eldest sons, Muhammad al-Nafs al-Zakiyya and Ibrahim, at the helm of 30k men, mostly Iranians from the region. Additionally, due to their interest against the Türgesh, several thousand Karluks (mostly consisting of cavalry) joined the Islamic army. It was at that time that the first Karluks began to convert to Islam.
After the declaration of jihad was formalized, Abu Muslim led the march towards Samarkand, which was being sacked by the joint Tang and Turkic army of Gao Xianzhi. Alongside the Iranian general were Isma’il al-Mubarak, Muhammad al-Nafs al-Zakiyya, Ibrahim ibn Abd-Allah and Ziyad ibn Salih al-Harthi (who was in charge of the border garrisons in the region).
At the time, the Chinese were also having occasional clashes with the Tibetan armies of Mé Aktsom. Though, so far, Gao Xianzhi had managed to defeat and push them back, which allowed their comfortable pass into Anxi, which they now intended to conquer from the hands of the Caliphate. The attempt of reconquest by Narsieh several decades prior worked as a precedent for Tang imperial ambitions in the region, and keeping the so-called “Kings of Bosi” in important positions within the imperial court had also helped reinforcing the Caliphate as an enemy.
The Caliphal army was met by a smaller Turkic force not too far away from the city itself. They ambushed the Islamic men and caused some minor losses, while all of them were slaughtered. In the exchange, however, Isma’il was injured by an arrow that hit him in the shoulder. Despite the considerable wound, he insisted on remaining with the army, even if Abu Muslim urged him to return to Merv.
Both Abu Muslim and Gao Xianzhi met directly just outside Samarkand. The Chinese general’s entire army stood behind him, and so did the Iranian general’s. Alongside them, stood the respective diplomatic delegations, who would attempt to negotiate some form of peace despite the obvious outcome.
The Muslims requested the complete surrender of the Tang and the total abandonment of their pursuits in the region, as well as handing over their local allies to be punished as per Islamic Law. The Chinese asked for the total surrender of the Caliphate, and the annexation of all of Anxi into the Protectorate General to Pacify the West (or Anxi Protectorate), as well as the restoration of the Sassanids as Kings of Bosi under the protection of the imperial throne of Chang’an.
Neither of the terms offered were acceptable to the opposite side, but that was most likely a granted for both sides prior to the negotiations. Both delegations retreated, as did the generals. Once reunited with their respective armies, the Battle of Samarkand began.
Battle of Samarkand
Very little can be said about this battle other than it marked the trend the rest of the war would follow, even if slowly and painfully. Both empires were at very high points in terms of their power, success and prosperity. However, one of them was definitely further away from its center of power and depended more heavily on the support of their local Turkic allies, mostly the Turgesh.
The Caliphal army was also a more experienced one, with generals and veterans that had only recently fought the Fitna. Among other reasons, this led to a very one sided battle that lasted a few days with constant back and forths between both powerful armies.
The Chinese crossbows and bowmen were simply superior to the Islamic archers, and caused important damage to them. But so were the Arabo-Iranian heavy cavalry and the Karluk cavalry to the Turgesh cavalry of the Tang army.
In the end, Gao Xianzhi suffered heavy losses and was forced to retreat to prevent an even worse result. Abu Muslim decided to chase the Tang army, rather than staying back. He did leave a couple thousand men behind to serve as a garrison in case an unexpected invasion happened.
It is estimated that while the Muslims lost around 5k men, the Tang were closer to 11k losses. The Caliphal army also took several hundred prisoners (Chinese and Turkic), who were forced to join either the garrison that stayed behind or Abu Muslim’s ranks.
The Battle of Samarkand would also be the first clash of a major war that would go on to define the power dynamics of Central Asia in the centuries to come.
Through the teachings of his father, who realized that water contained hydrogen (by claiming that water can be turned into fire), he came to learn many things that contributed greatly to the development of chemistry. For instance, he is the first known person to understand that air was made of oxygen and was not in fact an element. Through this, he disputed Aristotle’s theory of the Four Elements, which was quite prominent due to the recent fascination with some of the old knowledge of the Romans and Persians. He proved that earth, fire, water and air were in fact not elements, and that they were indeed formed by other substances which he did call elements. This set a precedence for the abandonment of Aristotle’s theory and a more correct path in the development of early chemistry.
Ja’far developed a theory on the origin of the universe, claiming that all matter in the universe had come from a single particle with two opposite poles. This would remain in the air until much later, when scholars began to make observations that tied back to the old theory of the Caliph. However, he would continue to heavily link his own theory to Islam and Allah, despite the impressive accuracy of his suppositions.
He also disputed the Ptolemaic model by remarking that the two proposed movements of the sun were incompatible with each other. This led him and some of his students to the conclusion that the earth rotated around the sun and not the other way around. As for physics, he discussed and explained opacity and transparency in certain objects, attributing properties to each one.
Another theory of his was that of light. He said that light reflected by different objects comes to one’s eyes, but only a part of those rays enter the eye; explaining why the human eye can’t properly see objects that are far away. He explained that if someone were to make a device through which all the light coming from the camels grazing at 3000 zirah (~3048 meters), then one would see them as if they were only at 60 zirah (~60,9 meters). This theory spread quite quickly and would lead to the invention of said devices a few generations later.
He produced a lot more knowledge, and left the Islamic World with even more contributions through his students in many different disciplines. As a polymath and genius of his time, his contributions to Islamic Scholarship are of incalculable value.
Foreign Affairs
Shortly after the Fitna, the Shura and renowned generals and commanders of the Rashidun army proposed a series of campaigns to the west. Some were to reconquer territories from the Khawarij, while others intended to conquer the Roman remnants in Italy, who continued to have skirmishes against the Caliphal armies around Sicily and the south of the italian peninsula. However, many of them were not agreed upon and eventually forgotten.
After a Roman raid on the city of Syracuse in 753, which was taken as a direct provocation by the new emperor Constantine VII, it seemed as if a major war would break out. However, the Caliphate was forced to shift its attention to the east as a series of raids and sackings around the region of Transoxiana by the Tang army represented a bigger threat. Still, a garrison was left in charge of Ibrahim ibn Abd-Allah in Sicily, in case the Romans were to launch a major invasion.
The Caliphate and the Tang had already gone through some tensions, be it skirmishes or occasional raids. However, as Abu Ja’far Abd Allah ibn Muhammad was appointed as governor of Khorasan upon As-Sadiq’s election, there was an escalation in said tensions. Abu Ja’far began to provoke the Tang by forming direct alliance marriages with different turkic chieftains of the regions around and further than Transoxiana. This wasn’t perceived positively by the Tang, who relied quite heavily on their turkic subjects to hold control over their Central Asian territories, and especially the protectorate of Anxi.
The governor of Khorasan then planned a joint invasion of the Turgesh, whose Khan at the time, Ata Boyla, was closely allied to the Tang through marriage with a princess. These plans arrived at Kufa through rumors, and actions were taken.
The Caliph tried to de-escalate the conflict by removing Abu Ja’far from the
position of governor and shaming him for planning an invasion behind the Shura and Caliph’s backs. Abd Allah al-Mahd, a prominent narrator of the Qu’ran and member of the Shura, was appointed as governor instead. However, the Tang did not cease, and eventually raided several cities within the official territories of the Caliphate.
By Ramadan of 136 AH (754 AD), it became clear that there was no going back, and the decision was made to declare Jihad against the Tang in order to defend Islam and the Muslims.
The Central Asian War
Abu Muslim, now a renowned general known all throughout the Islamic World, was stationed in Khorasan with 40k men. Already in the province, Abd Allah had put his two eldest sons, Muhammad al-Nafs al-Zakiyya and Ibrahim, at the helm of 30k men, mostly Iranians from the region. Additionally, due to their interest against the Türgesh, several thousand Karluks (mostly consisting of cavalry) joined the Islamic army. It was at that time that the first Karluks began to convert to Islam.
After the declaration of jihad was formalized, Abu Muslim led the march towards Samarkand, which was being sacked by the joint Tang and Turkic army of Gao Xianzhi. Alongside the Iranian general were Isma’il al-Mubarak, Muhammad al-Nafs al-Zakiyya, Ibrahim ibn Abd-Allah and Ziyad ibn Salih al-Harthi (who was in charge of the border garrisons in the region).
At the time, the Chinese were also having occasional clashes with the Tibetan armies of Mé Aktsom. Though, so far, Gao Xianzhi had managed to defeat and push them back, which allowed their comfortable pass into Anxi, which they now intended to conquer from the hands of the Caliphate. The attempt of reconquest by Narsieh several decades prior worked as a precedent for Tang imperial ambitions in the region, and keeping the so-called “Kings of Bosi” in important positions within the imperial court had also helped reinforcing the Caliphate as an enemy.
The Caliphal army was met by a smaller Turkic force not too far away from the city itself. They ambushed the Islamic men and caused some minor losses, while all of them were slaughtered. In the exchange, however, Isma’il was injured by an arrow that hit him in the shoulder. Despite the considerable wound, he insisted on remaining with the army, even if Abu Muslim urged him to return to Merv.
Both Abu Muslim and Gao Xianzhi met directly just outside Samarkand. The Chinese general’s entire army stood behind him, and so did the Iranian general’s. Alongside them, stood the respective diplomatic delegations, who would attempt to negotiate some form of peace despite the obvious outcome.
The Muslims requested the complete surrender of the Tang and the total abandonment of their pursuits in the region, as well as handing over their local allies to be punished as per Islamic Law. The Chinese asked for the total surrender of the Caliphate, and the annexation of all of Anxi into the Protectorate General to Pacify the West (or Anxi Protectorate), as well as the restoration of the Sassanids as Kings of Bosi under the protection of the imperial throne of Chang’an.
Neither of the terms offered were acceptable to the opposite side, but that was most likely a granted for both sides prior to the negotiations. Both delegations retreated, as did the generals. Once reunited with their respective armies, the Battle of Samarkand began.
Battle of Samarkand
Very little can be said about this battle other than it marked the trend the rest of the war would follow, even if slowly and painfully. Both empires were at very high points in terms of their power, success and prosperity. However, one of them was definitely further away from its center of power and depended more heavily on the support of their local Turkic allies, mostly the Turgesh.
The Caliphal army was also a more experienced one, with generals and veterans that had only recently fought the Fitna. Among other reasons, this led to a very one sided battle that lasted a few days with constant back and forths between both powerful armies.
The Chinese crossbows and bowmen were simply superior to the Islamic archers, and caused important damage to them. But so were the Arabo-Iranian heavy cavalry and the Karluk cavalry to the Turgesh cavalry of the Tang army.
In the end, Gao Xianzhi suffered heavy losses and was forced to retreat to prevent an even worse result. Abu Muslim decided to chase the Tang army, rather than staying back. He did leave a couple thousand men behind to serve as a garrison in case an unexpected invasion happened.
It is estimated that while the Muslims lost around 5k men, the Tang were closer to 11k losses. The Caliphal army also took several hundred prisoners (Chinese and Turkic), who were forced to join either the garrison that stayed behind or Abu Muslim’s ranks.
The Battle of Samarkand would also be the first clash of a major war that would go on to define the power dynamics of Central Asia in the centuries to come.
Notes:
[1] This comes in direct contrast to the Abbasids of OTL, as they did a similar thing but with the famous black color of their banners during their revolution. With one exception, the Abbasid Caliphs continued to wear black and so did their court.
[2] Al-Mamun, a later Abbasid Caliph (OTL), designated that his court wear green clothing, and he began to do so as well. Green was by the time of the Abbasid Revolution usually tied to the Shia, and it's possible this color was used by them as early as the First Fitna by Ali himself. However, this move by Al-Mamun was viewed quite negatively by the Abbasid elite, who wanted him out especially as he designated Imam Ali ar-Rida as his successor. Eventually, he abandoned color green and Ali ar-Rida died in mysterious circumstancces.
[3] This became a thing in later Islamic history, and during the Ottoman Empire it was formalized that Sayyids (descendants of the Prophet) would wear green turbans, and it was seen as an honor to do so.
[4] Most of this contributions to the sciences are attributed to Ja'far as-Sadiq in OTL.
[2] Al-Mamun, a later Abbasid Caliph (OTL), designated that his court wear green clothing, and he began to do so as well. Green was by the time of the Abbasid Revolution usually tied to the Shia, and it's possible this color was used by them as early as the First Fitna by Ali himself. However, this move by Al-Mamun was viewed quite negatively by the Abbasid elite, who wanted him out especially as he designated Imam Ali ar-Rida as his successor. Eventually, he abandoned color green and Ali ar-Rida died in mysterious circumstancces.
[3] This became a thing in later Islamic history, and during the Ottoman Empire it was formalized that Sayyids (descendants of the Prophet) would wear green turbans, and it was seen as an honor to do so.
[4] Most of this contributions to the sciences are attributed to Ja'far as-Sadiq in OTL.
Additionally, the next update will be kind of like the Fitna, but about the Central Asian War. I prefer that than continuing it as part of Ja'far's own entries. I hope to be updating soon, but by next weekend it should probably be up!
Well, they're attributed to him by Shia Hadith and works by Ja'far's students. For example, the main source for Ja'far's contributions to chemistry is Jabir ibn Hayyan, who was a famous alchemist of the Islamic Golden Age and who left an enormous amount of written works (some of which claim to be merely recollections and retellings of Ja'far's own teachings). Among other prominent students of Ja'far are: Abu Hanifa, Malik ibn Anas, and well Jabir.
In OTL he was massively important, not only creating the major school of jurisprudence for the Shias, but also either teaching or influencing the founders of the 4 major schools in Sunni Islam. ITTL this is obviously magnified because he lives in quite the different context, much better for him.
At this point ITTL, are the Ja'fari and Kharijite schools the main madhahib, or are there others? Also, how much crossover is there likely to be between schools of Fiqh? I could imagine the Ja'fari abolition of Muslim slavery appealing to the Kharijites' ideas of radical equality; OTOH, the Ja'fari elevation of Imams probably wouldn't.
In terms of sheer numbers, possibly at this specific point, the Ja'fari and the more moderate schools within Kharijites (we can call them Sufri for convenience sake) are possibly the main ones, yes. However, radicals sects of Kharijites like the Azariqa (mainly) and Najdat I've figured will have their own schools that at this time are going to be developing. However I've yet to work out the specific details. Also remember the Zaydis are still there in Tabaristan, so there's yet another branch that'll develop its own madhab.
There indeed will be some things they agree with and they disagree with, like OTL Sunni/Shia jurisprudence. Like I mentioned I've yet to work out the specifics of Khawarij Fiqh in this TL. I'll get to it when I continue covering their Caliphate during Khalid's reign and further.
Same applies to the Zaydis of this TL. They'll agree on some matters with the Ja'fari, and disagree on some others.
With the difference that Talas led to nothing else as both the Abbasid Caliphate and Tang empire had their own set of things to deal with other than each other. Eventually, Tang influence in Central Asia collapsed, while Abbasid influence everywhere around their core regions in the fertile crescent slowly diminished.
But yes, it's sort of an equivalent, one could say.
Central Asian War
Central Asian War
Part 2
Part 2
Following the Islamic victory at Samarkand, Gao Xianzhi was disgraced and removed from his position as general. He avoided execution, but found himself almost forced into exile by the military governor of Anxi, Wang Zhengjian. He was replaced by his former assistant, Feng Changqing.
As for the general of Goguryeo descent, he returned to Chang’an, and converted to Islam. Gao would then return to his homeland near the end of the Central Asian War, being one of the first Muslims to arrive at the region.
Feng took over with certain determination, and organized the sparse remnants of Gao’s army in Arbinjan, near the Zarafshan river. There, he met their Turgesh allies, who now arrived in full numbers and with their chieftains present. Other Turkic chieftains responded to the general’s call, and added as much as 15k men, mostly cavalry. This more than recovered the troops lost at Samarkand, but Feng remained stoic in his approach. He knew that Abu Muslim was chasing them down, and would soon find them.
After a few days, Abu Muslim’s scouts found out that the Chinese army was stationed at Arbinjan, and the general began to plan the assault. Only three weeks after Samarkand, the Caliphal army reached the outskirts of the town, where the Chinese were already formed for battle.
The battle was slow, long and tortuous. The numerical advantage of the Muslims presented a sizable advantage, though the ample number of Turkic horsemen that knew the place like the palm of their hand was arguably an even greater one. Abu Muslim fought his hardest battle yet, and his tactical prowess was tested.
After a day, the dynamics of the battle had turned completely against him. With a surprise assault in the flanks by turkic cavalry, the Muslims found themselves split in two and in a vulnerable position. However, the Iranian general did not retreat or panic, and instead insisted his men not to break formation.
Isma’il kept his men’s morale high, and led a charge into the latter end of the turkic horsemen, to encircle them instead. His men followed him and fought just as valiantly, with total faith put in them having the favor of Allah. The turks were caught off-guard by this sudden aggressive assault, and panicked. In their desperation to move out of there, their formation broke and chaos ensued.
Isma’il was struck by one of the fleeing horses, and then an arrow hit his head while he was still lying on the ground. Most of his men did not notice this, as those closer to him retrieved him from the battle very quickly. The assault was ultimately successful, and the Turks were encircled, while the panic made it easier for the Muslims to slaughter them.
Muhammad al-Nafs al-Zakiyya and Abu Muslim then led one final offensive straight into the core of the Chinese army. The confrontation once again led to great losses on both sides, but Abu Muslim managed to outsmart the overly conservative Feng, who chose to cross the Zarafshan river and retreat.
The Muslims captured several thousand Chinese and Turkic soldiers, while most of the army fled alongside their general. Feng successfully crossed the river and quickly began to retreat further east, north of the Hissar mountains.
Abu Muslim captured the city and only then was told about Isma’il’s fatal wounds. By that time, the son of the Caliph had already succumbed to his injuries. Normally, a general in his position would have returned to Caliphal territory to deliver the corpse of the prince. However, Abu Muslim knew that Isma’il would want them to fulfill Allah’s will and defeat the Chinese. For such, he only sent a few hundred men back with the corpse of Isma’il, with the mission of delivering the terrible news to the Caliph.
Isma’il’s death did not decrease morale. On the contrary, he became a martyr for the Islamic army, which only found more reason to continue fighting and chasing the Chinese. In fact, it became a signal to conquer the territories of the Tang, or so said Abu Muslim.
As for the general of Goguryeo descent, he returned to Chang’an, and converted to Islam. Gao would then return to his homeland near the end of the Central Asian War, being one of the first Muslims to arrive at the region.
Feng took over with certain determination, and organized the sparse remnants of Gao’s army in Arbinjan, near the Zarafshan river. There, he met their Turgesh allies, who now arrived in full numbers and with their chieftains present. Other Turkic chieftains responded to the general’s call, and added as much as 15k men, mostly cavalry. This more than recovered the troops lost at Samarkand, but Feng remained stoic in his approach. He knew that Abu Muslim was chasing them down, and would soon find them.
After a few days, Abu Muslim’s scouts found out that the Chinese army was stationed at Arbinjan, and the general began to plan the assault. Only three weeks after Samarkand, the Caliphal army reached the outskirts of the town, where the Chinese were already formed for battle.
The battle was slow, long and tortuous. The numerical advantage of the Muslims presented a sizable advantage, though the ample number of Turkic horsemen that knew the place like the palm of their hand was arguably an even greater one. Abu Muslim fought his hardest battle yet, and his tactical prowess was tested.
After a day, the dynamics of the battle had turned completely against him. With a surprise assault in the flanks by turkic cavalry, the Muslims found themselves split in two and in a vulnerable position. However, the Iranian general did not retreat or panic, and instead insisted his men not to break formation.
Isma’il kept his men’s morale high, and led a charge into the latter end of the turkic horsemen, to encircle them instead. His men followed him and fought just as valiantly, with total faith put in them having the favor of Allah. The turks were caught off-guard by this sudden aggressive assault, and panicked. In their desperation to move out of there, their formation broke and chaos ensued.
Isma’il was struck by one of the fleeing horses, and then an arrow hit his head while he was still lying on the ground. Most of his men did not notice this, as those closer to him retrieved him from the battle very quickly. The assault was ultimately successful, and the Turks were encircled, while the panic made it easier for the Muslims to slaughter them.
Muhammad al-Nafs al-Zakiyya and Abu Muslim then led one final offensive straight into the core of the Chinese army. The confrontation once again led to great losses on both sides, but Abu Muslim managed to outsmart the overly conservative Feng, who chose to cross the Zarafshan river and retreat.
The Muslims captured several thousand Chinese and Turkic soldiers, while most of the army fled alongside their general. Feng successfully crossed the river and quickly began to retreat further east, north of the Hissar mountains.
Abu Muslim captured the city and only then was told about Isma’il’s fatal wounds. By that time, the son of the Caliph had already succumbed to his injuries. Normally, a general in his position would have returned to Caliphal territory to deliver the corpse of the prince. However, Abu Muslim knew that Isma’il would want them to fulfill Allah’s will and defeat the Chinese. For such, he only sent a few hundred men back with the corpse of Isma’il, with the mission of delivering the terrible news to the Caliph.
Isma’il’s death did not decrease morale. On the contrary, he became a martyr for the Islamic army, which only found more reason to continue fighting and chasing the Chinese. In fact, it became a signal to conquer the territories of the Tang, or so said Abu Muslim.
After leaving Sogdia through the Hissar mountains, Feng reached the city of Bunjikath, near Ferghana. There, he once again tried to regroup, but found that his losses had been quite heavy. The Chinese general sent a letter to Wang, who was sitting as the governor of Anxi in Qiuci. He asked for reinforcements to try and stop the Islamic menace, but they would not arrive in time.
Two battles followed. One at Bunjikath, and then one further into Ferghana, near the Jaxartes river. Both battles were resounding victories by Abu Muslim, and this time the losses on the Muslim side were less severe. The dynamic had been entirely different, as what remained of the Chinese army was dominated and once again forced to retreat into the core of Ferghana.
These victories would call the attention of the young Tsenpo that had recently succeeded his father after an assassination in early 755. The Tibetan Empire and the Tang had a long history of fighting and struggling for Central Asian territories, namely the Tarim Basin. That is most likely the reason behind the envoy sent from Lhasa to meet the Muslim forces at Ferghana.
Abu Muslim and his forces were met by the envoy while they were on their way to Uzkand. Initially, the greeting was hostile, but as soon as the Tibetan diplomats explained their offer, negotiations began. The Tibetans offered an alliance to take down the Tang, and all they asked in exchange was the Tarim Basin. The Iranian general requested that a letter be sent to Kufa to inform the Caliph of the alliance, but in principle, he accepted the terms.
The diplomatic envoy returned to Lhasa with the good news, and the young Trisong Detsen dispatched an army of almost 100k men on the way to the Tarim Basin, while the Muslims won at Uzkand and captured the city.
The Chinese had now been pushed all the way to Kashgar, near the center of the Anxi Protectorate. Their Turgesh allies had been destroyed, and their western armies found the same fate. Feng was killed at Uzkand, and those who survived the battle fled through the Tien Shan mountains towards Kashgar, in the Tarim Basin.
News reached Wang Zhengjian not only of the defeat and death of Feng Changqing, but also of the incoming Tibetan army. The military governor took the defense of Kashgar upon himself, and left Qiuci with an army of 50k formed by Chinese, Turkic and Tocharian men.
What Wang Zhengjian was not aware of, however, was that the Tibetans were not heading for Kashgar to aid the Muslims. Instead, their objective was the city of Khotan.
Abu Muslim was forced to wait a few days outside Kashgar for the Ramadan of 138 AH to end. This gave Wang extra time that was key for the preparation of the city’s defenses. However, it also gave him enough time to realize that the Tibetans were not there or anywhere near the city. After the end of the battle, he would realize that Khotan had fallen to them.
In the first week of Shawwal, Abu Muslim finally launched the attack of the Islamic forces on the city. The siege lasted several months, but eventually one of the gates was opened by a group of Tocharians, both locals and soldiers. The cut of supplies of food and water had been devastating for the city’s population, which only got worse when a plague began to spread. The desperation led the locals to let the Muslims in, in the hope that they could finally let water and food in the city.
The Battle of Kashgar was a complete massacre. Wang Zhengjian barely managed to escape with 15k men, while the rest were either killed or captured by the Caliphal army. However, the starving civilians were left alone as per Islamic Law. Abu Muslim stayed at Kashgar dealing with the new prisoners and overseeing the recovery of the city. Many of the Karluks that were under the Iranian general’s command settled there, and began to spread Islam to the population.
By early 139 AH, Abu Muslim had also captured Aksu, as the Chinese had escaped directly to Qiuci. Wang had immediately sent a letter to Chang’an, requesting the emperor for major reinforcements as the Caliphal armies, and now the Tibetans as well, were steamrolling them and threatening to capture all of the Central Asian territories of the empire.
The letter reached emperor Xuanzong and his court. However, the chancellor, Yang Guozhong, was skeptical of such information. After all, Tang China had been almost invincible in Central Asia, with a force so great that no one else in the region could challenge them. He believed that Wang was lying to get more resources from the imperial court and further his own interest and benefit. Xuanzong approved reinforcements, but a number of barely 20k men, mostly inexperienced young men with mediocre training. However, they would not be able to arrive on time.
Abu Muslim met with the Tibetan armies at Aksu, and then finally both armies marched together towards Qiuci, where Wang awaited for both them and his reinforcements. Many Chinese officials were greatly intimidated by the massive army formed by the joint Muslim and Tibetan forces. So much so that many began to plead to their superior, the military governor of Anxi, that he surrender to avoid a massacre. Wang, however, refused to do so. Instead, he prepared his army, greatly inferior in numbers, to defend the city to the bitter end.
Taking the matter into their own hands, said officials sought to negotiate with Abu Muslim. They sent a small diplomatic delegation, which delivered the message of their desire to surrender the city peacefully. The Iranian general sent the delegation back with his own representatives, who told them that they would accept their surrender.
As the armies approached the city, chaos emerged in the fortresses. Initially, the Chinese army began to shoot arrows at the Tibetans and Muslims, which confused them. Naturally, they began to shoot back and retreated several steps to avoid more bloodshed. However, at some point, the officials who had previously communicated with the Muslims opened the gates, essentially surrendering the village.
What ensued, however, was a brutal massacre of those inside the city. In only a few hours, the city had fallen, while Wang and most of his men were killed. Some officials escaped the city and ran all the way to Dunhuang. From there, they sent a letter to the imperial court at Chang’an informing them of the fall of Qiuci and the imminent arrival of the armies across the Tarim Basin. The news came in like a bucket of cold water to the court, who immediately began to gather their military forces, over 100k, under the command of the prominent generals and jiedushi Guo Ziyi and Li Guangbi. However, this took time, a few months to be more exact.
Two battles followed. One at Bunjikath, and then one further into Ferghana, near the Jaxartes river. Both battles were resounding victories by Abu Muslim, and this time the losses on the Muslim side were less severe. The dynamic had been entirely different, as what remained of the Chinese army was dominated and once again forced to retreat into the core of Ferghana.
These victories would call the attention of the young Tsenpo that had recently succeeded his father after an assassination in early 755. The Tibetan Empire and the Tang had a long history of fighting and struggling for Central Asian territories, namely the Tarim Basin. That is most likely the reason behind the envoy sent from Lhasa to meet the Muslim forces at Ferghana.
Abu Muslim and his forces were met by the envoy while they were on their way to Uzkand. Initially, the greeting was hostile, but as soon as the Tibetan diplomats explained their offer, negotiations began. The Tibetans offered an alliance to take down the Tang, and all they asked in exchange was the Tarim Basin. The Iranian general requested that a letter be sent to Kufa to inform the Caliph of the alliance, but in principle, he accepted the terms.
The diplomatic envoy returned to Lhasa with the good news, and the young Trisong Detsen dispatched an army of almost 100k men on the way to the Tarim Basin, while the Muslims won at Uzkand and captured the city.
The Chinese had now been pushed all the way to Kashgar, near the center of the Anxi Protectorate. Their Turgesh allies had been destroyed, and their western armies found the same fate. Feng was killed at Uzkand, and those who survived the battle fled through the Tien Shan mountains towards Kashgar, in the Tarim Basin.
News reached Wang Zhengjian not only of the defeat and death of Feng Changqing, but also of the incoming Tibetan army. The military governor took the defense of Kashgar upon himself, and left Qiuci with an army of 50k formed by Chinese, Turkic and Tocharian men.
What Wang Zhengjian was not aware of, however, was that the Tibetans were not heading for Kashgar to aid the Muslims. Instead, their objective was the city of Khotan.
Abu Muslim was forced to wait a few days outside Kashgar for the Ramadan of 138 AH to end. This gave Wang extra time that was key for the preparation of the city’s defenses. However, it also gave him enough time to realize that the Tibetans were not there or anywhere near the city. After the end of the battle, he would realize that Khotan had fallen to them.
In the first week of Shawwal, Abu Muslim finally launched the attack of the Islamic forces on the city. The siege lasted several months, but eventually one of the gates was opened by a group of Tocharians, both locals and soldiers. The cut of supplies of food and water had been devastating for the city’s population, which only got worse when a plague began to spread. The desperation led the locals to let the Muslims in, in the hope that they could finally let water and food in the city.
The Battle of Kashgar was a complete massacre. Wang Zhengjian barely managed to escape with 15k men, while the rest were either killed or captured by the Caliphal army. However, the starving civilians were left alone as per Islamic Law. Abu Muslim stayed at Kashgar dealing with the new prisoners and overseeing the recovery of the city. Many of the Karluks that were under the Iranian general’s command settled there, and began to spread Islam to the population.
By early 139 AH, Abu Muslim had also captured Aksu, as the Chinese had escaped directly to Qiuci. Wang had immediately sent a letter to Chang’an, requesting the emperor for major reinforcements as the Caliphal armies, and now the Tibetans as well, were steamrolling them and threatening to capture all of the Central Asian territories of the empire.
The letter reached emperor Xuanzong and his court. However, the chancellor, Yang Guozhong, was skeptical of such information. After all, Tang China had been almost invincible in Central Asia, with a force so great that no one else in the region could challenge them. He believed that Wang was lying to get more resources from the imperial court and further his own interest and benefit. Xuanzong approved reinforcements, but a number of barely 20k men, mostly inexperienced young men with mediocre training. However, they would not be able to arrive on time.
Abu Muslim met with the Tibetan armies at Aksu, and then finally both armies marched together towards Qiuci, where Wang awaited for both them and his reinforcements. Many Chinese officials were greatly intimidated by the massive army formed by the joint Muslim and Tibetan forces. So much so that many began to plead to their superior, the military governor of Anxi, that he surrender to avoid a massacre. Wang, however, refused to do so. Instead, he prepared his army, greatly inferior in numbers, to defend the city to the bitter end.
Taking the matter into their own hands, said officials sought to negotiate with Abu Muslim. They sent a small diplomatic delegation, which delivered the message of their desire to surrender the city peacefully. The Iranian general sent the delegation back with his own representatives, who told them that they would accept their surrender.
As the armies approached the city, chaos emerged in the fortresses. Initially, the Chinese army began to shoot arrows at the Tibetans and Muslims, which confused them. Naturally, they began to shoot back and retreated several steps to avoid more bloodshed. However, at some point, the officials who had previously communicated with the Muslims opened the gates, essentially surrendering the village.
What ensued, however, was a brutal massacre of those inside the city. In only a few hours, the city had fallen, while Wang and most of his men were killed. Some officials escaped the city and ran all the way to Dunhuang. From there, they sent a letter to the imperial court at Chang’an informing them of the fall of Qiuci and the imminent arrival of the armies across the Tarim Basin. The news came in like a bucket of cold water to the court, who immediately began to gather their military forces, over 100k, under the command of the prominent generals and jiedushi Guo Ziyi and Li Guangbi. However, this took time, a few months to be more exact.
In this time, the Tibetans had once again conquered and occupied all of the Tarim Basin without much resistance following the fall of Qiuci. A few thousand Tocharians even joined them in their campaigns against the Tang Chinese. Now, the Tibetans, still aided by Abu Muslim and his diverse army of Arabs, Nubians, Iranians and Karluks, were marching rapidly towards the city of Dunhuang.
The importance of this city could not be understated. It was the point at which the three main routes of the Silk Road connected and then communicated with China. Its capture could mean cutting Tang China’s way to communicate with the rest of Central Asia, and would signify a massive strategic loss. From Dunhuang, the Tibetans intended to launch a major military campaign into the core territories of China, with the final objective of capturing the capital of Chang’an.
Unfortunately for the Tang, however, their massive military force with perhaps their best general of the era at its head would not arrive in time.
In the first month of 141 AH, the joint Tibetan-Muslim army arrived at the walls of Dunhuang. An endless horde of soldiers is what the garrisons of the city could see from the walls. It very quickly became evident that, without the reinforcements from Chang’an, they had very little to do.
The city fell after an intense siege that lasted a couple of months. A small Tibetan force was left behind, while most of the armies continued their march. The city of Jiuquan was captured shortly after, though they stayed there for longer due to the exhaustion from the Muslim troops.
Battle of Shanzhou
The two immense armies would only finally meet near the city of Shanzhou. In early 142 AH, Abu Muslim finally met face to face with Guo Ziyi and the Khitan Li Guangbi. Both were experienced generals, with several victories and impressive reputations behind them. Now, the armies possessed similar numbers. The Muslims had lost several thousands on the way, but the Tibetan forces added an even greater army to their forces, with their own set of commanders.
It would be in Shanzhou that the three empires would finally have a proper clash, with their best generals and armies on the table.
The Battle of Shanzhou would go down in history as one of the biggest clashes of empires in the time period. And certainly, as one of the most important battles as well.
Ultimately, Abu Muslim and the Tibetan generals outclassed Li Guangbi, who was overrun by the Islamic armies. The Karluk cavalry destabilized their flank, while the Iranian general’s infantry aggressively pushed forward. Finally, the Khitan general was slain in battle, and almost half of the Chinese army fell into chaos, while all the weight of the battle fell on Guo Ziyi.
The rest of the battle was prolonged for almost two days, with Guo Ziyi managing to push back for short periods of time. However, the battle ended in a Chinese defeat, as the Chinese general was cornered and forced to retreat to avoid even more losses. It’s estimated that around half of the Chinese army was killed in battle, while the Tibetans and Muslims lost around 40 thousand men.
Guo Ziyi retreated and crossed the Yellow River, heading towards Fengxian, which was right next to the capital. However, the combined Muslim and Tibetan armies attempted an ambush while they were doing so. This time, the Chinese general managed to lure them into the river, and caused important casualties to the allied forces. This forced them to stay behind, while the Chinese continued their retreat to Fengxian.
The importance of this city could not be understated. It was the point at which the three main routes of the Silk Road connected and then communicated with China. Its capture could mean cutting Tang China’s way to communicate with the rest of Central Asia, and would signify a massive strategic loss. From Dunhuang, the Tibetans intended to launch a major military campaign into the core territories of China, with the final objective of capturing the capital of Chang’an.
Unfortunately for the Tang, however, their massive military force with perhaps their best general of the era at its head would not arrive in time.
In the first month of 141 AH, the joint Tibetan-Muslim army arrived at the walls of Dunhuang. An endless horde of soldiers is what the garrisons of the city could see from the walls. It very quickly became evident that, without the reinforcements from Chang’an, they had very little to do.
The city fell after an intense siege that lasted a couple of months. A small Tibetan force was left behind, while most of the armies continued their march. The city of Jiuquan was captured shortly after, though they stayed there for longer due to the exhaustion from the Muslim troops.
Battle of Shanzhou
The two immense armies would only finally meet near the city of Shanzhou. In early 142 AH, Abu Muslim finally met face to face with Guo Ziyi and the Khitan Li Guangbi. Both were experienced generals, with several victories and impressive reputations behind them. Now, the armies possessed similar numbers. The Muslims had lost several thousands on the way, but the Tibetan forces added an even greater army to their forces, with their own set of commanders.
It would be in Shanzhou that the three empires would finally have a proper clash, with their best generals and armies on the table.
The Battle of Shanzhou would go down in history as one of the biggest clashes of empires in the time period. And certainly, as one of the most important battles as well.
Ultimately, Abu Muslim and the Tibetan generals outclassed Li Guangbi, who was overrun by the Islamic armies. The Karluk cavalry destabilized their flank, while the Iranian general’s infantry aggressively pushed forward. Finally, the Khitan general was slain in battle, and almost half of the Chinese army fell into chaos, while all the weight of the battle fell on Guo Ziyi.
The rest of the battle was prolonged for almost two days, with Guo Ziyi managing to push back for short periods of time. However, the battle ended in a Chinese defeat, as the Chinese general was cornered and forced to retreat to avoid even more losses. It’s estimated that around half of the Chinese army was killed in battle, while the Tibetans and Muslims lost around 40 thousand men.
Guo Ziyi retreated and crossed the Yellow River, heading towards Fengxian, which was right next to the capital. However, the combined Muslim and Tibetan armies attempted an ambush while they were doing so. This time, the Chinese general managed to lure them into the river, and caused important casualties to the allied forces. This forced them to stay behind, while the Chinese continued their retreat to Fengxian.
When Guo Ziyi and his army reached the city, the word spread very quickly until it reached Chang’an itself. Yang Guozhong, still the principal chancellor at the time, was furious. Not only had he lost at Shanzhou, which was already catastrophic enough, but he had run directly towards an important city near the capital. He immediately ordered the destitution of the general, but the old emperor Xuanzong was against this, as he was fond of the renowned general, and greatly trusted his abilities. Instead, the old emperor sent reinforcements towards Fengxian, completely oblivious to how grave the situation really was.
The chancellor, dissatisfied with the actions of the complacent emperor, began plotting against him. His cousin, the beautiful Yang Guifei, had already bore the emperor three children: two daughters and a son. The latter was now the favorite to succeed him, in spite of the former crown prince Li Heng. This left the Yang family, and namely Guozhong himself, in a very good position for power.
Meanwhile, however, Ziyi prepared the defenses of the city, ready to face off and finally stop the advancement of the foreign invaders. Time passed, and the invaders were taking longer than expected. Though, what did not take long to arrive in the city of Fengxian were the rumors that Yang Guozhong wanted to execute Guo Ziyi for his failures. Naturally, the general was not pleased with these rumors.
Only a week before the Tibetan and Muslim armies would arrive, Guo Ziyi simply abandoned the city, and left clear instructions of surrendering to avoid unnecessary bloodshed. He, alongside several thousands of men loyal to him, fled to Dongdu (Luoyang), where the former crown prince, Li Heng, had been residing ever since being stripped from his titles. There, Guo Ziyi submitted to the former crown prince, and joined him in his plans to overthrow the Yang family.
When the Tibetans and the Caliphal army arrived, they were surprised to see Fengxian without defense. Instead, the city peacefully surrendered, and Abu Muslim made sure such a surrender was respected. Several Muslims stayed behind in the city, deciding to settle there, impressed by the city. The rest, however, continued towards Chang’an, and would then finally return to the lands of the Caliphate after several decades.
Fall of Chang’an
The Tibetans, having taken the initiative of the campaign ever since Shanzhou, led their Muslim allies towards the weak and almost defenseless capital of Chang’an.
Emperor Xuanzong and his court had received the news of the capture of Fengxian, and immediately began to evacuate all relevant officials and themselves from the city. The abandonment of Chang’an was a shameful act that the local people of the city greatly resented, while many military officials began to doubt the ability of the emperor to rule.
The court would flee to Jiannan Circuit, specifically seeking refuge in Chengdu.
That is why in Ramadan of 143 AH, Abu Muslim and his Tibetan allies marched on Chang’an almost unopposed. Astonishingly, and in the middle of a Golden Age in the Tang empire, the capital had fallen without resistance, while the emperor was hiding in Chengdu, and the crown prince was plotting an insurrection in Luoyang.
Trisong Detsen, the young Tsenpo of the Tibetan empire, would then negotiate a surrender with the old emperor Xuanzong. The Tibetans would then occupy the Tarim Basin and most of the Anxi protectorate, as well as the Longyou Circuit. This was a massive territorial loss, as the Tang found itself completely cut off from Central Asia and its domination over the most important routes of the Silk Road.
As for the Caliphate, they seized the territories west of the Tarim Basin, which included the Mengchi, Sogdiana and Tokharistan protectorates; as well as the city of Kashgar, which was gifted to the Karluks as a form of thanking them for their service in the war.
Aftermath
The Tang dynasty was left in the worst position it had ever been in. Not only had they lost most of their territories in Central Asia, and even a core province like the Longyou Circuit, but the court intrigues and great discontent of the officials and jiedushi had finally caught up to the emperor.
Only a few months after the treaty was signed with Trisong Detsen, emperor Xuanzong died in mysterious circumstances. Yang Guozhong is normally suspected to have been the culprit, as Yang Guifei mourned the death of her lover quite deeply. Her young son, Li Zhang, who was barely 5 years old, was crowned as the new emperor, and would later be given the temple name of Daizong.
This naturally came with great controversy, and soon a civil war began between the Yang family and the crown prince, Li Heng, supported by Guo Yizi and other prominent generals and jiedushi.
The Tang dynasty was left in the worst position it had ever been in. Not only had they lost most of their territories in Central Asia, and even a core province like the Longyou Circuit, but the court intrigues and great discontent of the officials and jiedushi had finally caught up to the emperor.
Only a few months after the treaty was signed with Trisong Detsen, emperor Xuanzong died in mysterious circumstances. Yang Guozhong is normally suspected to have been the culprit, as Yang Guifei mourned the death of her lover quite deeply. Her young son, Li Zhang, who was barely 5 years old, was crowned as the new emperor, and would later be given the temple name of Daizong.
This naturally came with great controversy, and soon a civil war began between the Yang family and the crown prince, Li Heng, supported by Guo Yizi and other prominent generals and jiedushi.
As for the Tibetan empire, the young Tsenpo Trisong Detsen would focus on more internal matters in the following decades. Stabilizing the new territories, while adapting them into the empire; as well as introducing Buddhism to Tibet and making it the official religion. His reign would come to be recognized as the beginning of a Golden Age for the Tibetan empire.
Later on, in the final decades of his long rule, the Tsenpo would go on to pursue more military campaigns to further expand his rich and powerful realm. Trisong Detsen would also continue to cultivate its positive relations with the Caliphate, consolidating an alliance by marrying off a daughter of his to Musa al-Kazim, one of the younger sons of Ja’far as-Sadiq; while the Tsenpo himself married a daughter of Ja’far.
Abu Muslim and his men were received like heroes upon their return to the Caliphate. After almost 7 years of an intense campaign across Central Asia, ~40k Muslim men returned to their homes. They brought with them several hundred Chinese and Sogdian prisoners, formerly officials or soldiers of the Tang empire, who would go on to play an important role in the court of the Caliph in Kufa and in several other of the major cities of the Caliphate.
Ja’far as-Sadiq had begun the construction of the Mosque of Isma’il in Samarkand, in honor of his son who gave his life defending the lands of the faithful. He would then order the construction of a new mosque in Merv, which was given the name of Abu Muslim. The latter was also named the new governor of Transoxiana.
The lands further into Central Asia were given to the now Muslim Karluks, who chose the city of Kashgar as their capital. There, the Caliph granted them the resources to build a magnificent mosque, while the territory came to be recognized as an emirate by the Caliph. A Karluk man who fought alongside Abu Muslim was given the title of Emir; he had taken on the name Ali following his conversion. The Karluks would go on to dominate the region, subjugating other Turkic peoples like the Turgesh while fighting off other powerful groups, like the Uyghurs.
The Caliphal victory in the Central Asian War would allow the spread of Islam to the diverse groups of people that lived in the region. Be it through direct conversion or through syncretism, the presence of Islam in Central Asia became almost as important as that of Buddhism or Manichaeism. Specifically in western Central Asia, most of which was now nominally ruled by the Caliph, Islam became hegemonic.
This victory would also encourage further military endeavors, especially as Abu Muslim was only 42 by the time he returned from his campaign. In fact, only a few years after his return, he would present himself in Kufa in front of the Caliph and the Shura, and would propose a series of campaigns into the Indian subcontinent.
Am I correct that while the Muslim army was able to advance all the way to Chang'an (I assume the Tibetan alliance is what shortened their supply lines enough to do this), the Caliphate only kept the parts of Xinjiang and Central Asia that became Muslim IOTL? Is there going to be an Islamization of Tibet?
Not so much Xinjiang. That's annexed by Tibet. The Caliphate takes all the territories west of Kashgar, including Kashgar (which is a concession by the Tibetans bc that is a small part of the Tarim Basin).
As for why the Tibetans got so much, well, not only the advantage of proximity and their ability to better project power onto those territories, as well as their heavy interest and disputes in OTL for them, but they also did most of the heavy lifting during and after the capture of Kucha (Qiuci).
If at all, it will be eventually. Trisong Detsen is the tsenpo (emperor) that actually establishes Buddhism as the official faith of the Tibetan Empire in OTL, and I see no reason why that would change. If anything, he might have more success within his reign in doing so, and the eternal conflict between Buddhism and Bon might not get so bad it ends up killing the empire. So for now, the Tibetan Empire will continue its Buddhist path. However, this campaign did leave Islamic settlers all throughout the Silk Road, all the way to the core of Chang'an and neighboring cities (and don't forget Gao Xianzhi who returned to Korea as now a Muslim!). So let's say I planted the seeds for interesting developments in the future.
Plus, I gave them an annoying neighbor in the shape of the now Muslim Karluks
Got it.
True, I mean even IOTL, there were Hui Muslims in central and northeast China, and ITTL there will be more. China as a whole is unlikely to Islamize - the pig is too important as a food source and even culturally - but there could be exchanges between Islam and Confucian ideas, or even an occasional Ma Dynasty (at least at the provincial level).IHowever, this campaign did leave Islamic settlers all throughout the Silk Road, all the way to the core of Chang'an and neighboring cities (and don't forget Gao Xianzhi who returned to Korea as now a Muslim!). So let's say I planted the seeds for interesting developments in the future. Plus, I gave them an annoying neighbor in the shape of the now Muslim Karluks
I'm one who thinks nothing is impossible or inevitable in history. Any religion will syncretize to impressive levels, even Abrahamic ones, which is something I'm surprised people either don't know or ignore most of the time.
I'm Jewish, I'm very aware of syncretism.
The timeline I'm writing now features some of it if you're interested. Certainly nothing is impossible. But I do think there are some practices that lend themselves more to syncretism than others, and that some conflicts between religious doctrine and culture are harder to resolve, especially where the conflict is important to both the religion and the culture. There are many Confucian ideas that can fit easily into the Abrahamic religions - veneration of ancestors and saints, for instance, is common in folk religion even if sometimes condemned - but I think that giving up a staple of the diet, while not impossible, will be a harder sell.